Deobandi Sect of Islam | 3 Interesting Facts to Start Deobandi School of Thought?

Introduction

Why did the need arise for Indian Muslims to establish the Deobandi school of thought?
What are the beliefs of the Deobandi school, and how many groups has it divided into over time?
Let’s discuss this topic.

After the early days of Islam, Muslims were divided into two major groups: Sunni and Shia. If we focus on Sunni Islam, it further split into five main schools of thought:

1. Hanafi
2. Shafi’i
3. Maliki
4. Hanbali
5. Ahl-e-Hadith or Salafi/Wahhabi.

The Hanafi school of thought is the largest group among Muslims today. It is widely followed in regions like India, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. In the Indian subcontinent, the Hanafi school further divided into two major groups: Barelvi and Deobandi.

If you are interested in learning about the Barelvi school, you can check this link.
But now, let’s talk about the Deobandi movement and how it started in India.

Supporters of the Deobandi school are mostly found in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, and other parts of the world. Their movement began in Deoband, a small town in Saharanpur district of northern India’s Uttar Pradesh state. Deobandis believe that their teachings strictly follow the Quran and Sunnah. They follow the Hanafi school of thought for Islamic law and the Maturidi ideology in Ilm al-kalam (theology).

To understand the Deobandi movement, we must first look at its historical background because it is hard to understand this school of thought without knowing the history of Islam in the Indian subcontinent.

History

After Muhammad bin Qasim brought Islam to the subcontinent, Muslim rulers from Central Asia and Afghanistan began arriving in India during the 10th and 11th centuries. These rulers established their rule over various Indian states. Along with them, many Islamic scholars and Sufi thinkers also came to India. They played a significant role in spreading Islam and converting local non-Muslims.

At that time, the Hanafi school of thought was already popular in Central Asia, so the scholars and Sufis who arrived in India followed the Hanafi teachings. As a result, Hanfi Islam spread quickly in India, and many locals converted to Islam. This helped Muslim rulers establish strong and stable states in the region.

By the 17th century, the decline of Muslim rule in India had begun. This decline made ordinary Muslims feel insecure and weakened their position. By the time 1857 arrived, Muslims had lost control over all of India.

In this situation, many Islamic scholars rose up to unite Muslims religiously and help restore their lost identity. The first prominent scholar in this effort was Shah Waliullah Dehlvi of Delhi. All major Sunni movements in the subcontinent today, including Ahl-e-Hadith, Barelvi, and Deobandi, respect Shah Waliullah’s work and teachings.

Both the Deobandi and Ahl-e-Hadith movements trace their origins to Shah Waliullah’s teachings. Although Shah Waliullah followed the Hanafi school of thought, the Ahl-e-Hadith, who do not strictly follow any school of thought, also greatly respect him for his emphasis on the Quran and Hadith.

Barbara Metcalf, a researcher and author of the book “Islamic Revival in British India”, writes that Shah Waliullah’s ancestors were followers of the Chishti Sufi order. Shah Waliullah established the Madrasa Rahimiya in Delhi, where he began teaching the Quran and Hadith. According to Barbara Metcalf, Shah Waliullah not only promoted the Quran and Hadith but also taught Hanafi jurisprudence (Fiqh) to his students.

Shah Waliullah was the first scholar to translate the Quran into Persian and encouraged people to read the Quran with its translation. However, many scholars at that time opposed him fiercely. They accused him of introducing an innovation (bid’ah) and even declared fatwas of disbelief (kufr) against him. Shah Waliullah also faced assassination attempts because of translating the Quran into Persian language.

After Shah Waliullah, his son Shah Abdul Qadir continued his mission to spread the message of the Quran. He was the first scholar to translate the Quran into Urdu. At that time, Persian was the language of the royal courts, but Urdu was widely understood by the common people. This made Shah Abdul Qadir’s Urdu translation of the Quran more accessible to everyone.

Shah Waliullah’s son, Shah Abdul Aziz, declared India as Dar-ul-Harb (a land of war). This declaration caused many Muslims to migrate from India to Afghanistan.

Later, Shah Waliullah’s grandson, Shah Ismail Shaheed, son of Shah Abdul Ghani, wrote the famous book “Taqwiyat-ul-Iman”. In his book, Shah Ismail strongly condemned bid’ah (innovations in religion) that had spread among Muslims. However, some critics believe that Shah Ismail’s book was a translation of “Kitab al-Tawhid”, written by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, the founder of Wahhabi Islam in Arabia.

At the beginning of the 19th century, many Islamic movements emerged in India, particularly in the Uttar Pradesh region. These movements had different ideologies: some focused on jihad, some worked to reform Muslims peacefully, while others encouraged Muslims to migrate from India, declaring it Dar-ul-Harb. These movements were not only politically active but also heavily engaged in religious debates.

Barbara Metcalf writes that when the famous Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib came to Delhi after 1810, he noticed that Shah Waliullah’s fundamentalist reforms were gaining influence in the city.

Start of the Debate

One of the most significant religious debates among Hanafi scholars of that time took place between Shah Ismail and Fazl Haq Khairabadi (1797–1861) in Delhi. This debate focused on the concept of “Imkan-e-Nazir”.

Imkan-e-Nazir raised the question: “Can Allah create another Prophet equal to the rank of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)?”

In his book Taqwiyat-ul-Iman, Shah Ismail argued:
“Indeed, the power of the King of Kings (Allah) is so great that, in the blink of an eye and with the mere utterance of the word ‘Be’ (Kun), if He wishes, He can create hundreds of Prophets, saints, jinn, angels, and even beings equal in rank to Prophet Muhammad or Angel Jibreel.”

This statement sparked intense controversy among scholars and became a major point of religious debate in the 19th-century Indian Islamic landscape.

In response to Shah Ismail’s belief, Allama Fazl Haq Khairabadi strongly condemned the idea, considering it disrespectful to Prophet Muhammad. Fazl Haq Khairabadi argued that although Allah has the power to do everything, He has chosen not to exercise such power. This debate between Hanafi scholars became highly intense and divisive.

At that time, even famous poets joined the debate through their poetry. According to Barbara Metcalf, Mirza Ghalib supported Fazl Haq Khairabadi‘s stance through his poetry, while another renowned poet, Hakim Momin Khan Momin, supported Shah Ismail and praised his efforts to promote jihad.

Shah Ismail’s book “Taqwiyat-ul-Iman” remains one of the foundational texts of the Deobandi school of thought today.

Shah Ismail’s key companion, Syed Ahmad Shaheed of Rae Bareli, encouraged Indian Muslims to engage in jihad. Together, Syed Ahmad Shaheed and Shah Ismail organized a Muslim army in Delhi. This army traveled across Rajasthan, Sindh, and Balochistan, eventually reaching present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in Pakistan. Along the way, they urged Muslim rulers and the local population to join their jihad, claiming it was the only way to restore Islam’s lost glory.

Due to their rigid ideology, their forces eventually clashed with the Muslim ruler of the Durrani Empire in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. When they reached Balakot, they faced a decisive battle against the Sikhs, where both Shah Ismail and Syed Ahmad Shaheed were killed, along with their followers.

By 1857, when the British captured Delhi, Muslims were still struggling to restore their status. However, the growing internal divisions and ideological conflicts among scholars had now spread to ordinary people—these religious debates could be heard in marketplaces and street corners. Delhi, at this point, resembled the intellectual chaos seen in Baghdad before its fall.

Although Muslims fought against the British East India Company in the 1857 War of Independence, the British forces crushed the uprising with brutal precision, eliminating opponents one by one, much like the Mongols did with the divided Muslims of earlier times in Baghdad.

One of Shah Ismail’s followers, Imdadullah Muhajir Makki, and his companions fought against the British forces in Shamli village of Uttar Pradesh. However, they were defeated in the battle.

It was after this war that the foundation of the Deoband movement was laid.

 

In the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (UP), in the district of Saharanpur, lies the town of Deoband, which had a Muslim-majority population. Most of the residents were from the Usmani and Siddiqi Sheikh families. During the Mughal era, many mosques and Sufi khanqahs (spiritual centers) were built, which brought prosperity to the people of Deoband. However, with the decline of the Mughal Empire, Deoband also faced hardship. The town was plundered by Sikhs and Rohillas.

During the 1857 War of Independence, many people from Deoband participated actively. The town’s involvement in the rebellion led to harsh consequences. Thirty-four individuals were hanged, many were imprisoned, and three nearby villages were burned to the ground. The British confiscated land from several families. After the British consolidated their control and introduced a railway line, Deoband had a population of about 20,000, with Muslims comprising more than half of it.

Before 1857, Deoband’s Muslims were heavily influenced by the teachings of Shah Waliullah, his grandson Shah Ismail Shaheed, and Syed Ahmad Shaheed of Rae Bareli. When Shah Ismail Shaheed’s army marched from Delhi toward Punjab to fight the Sikhs, many prominent families of Deoband joined his campaign. These participants were later killed in Balakot.

During the 1857 war, Maulana Rafiuddin was a key religious figure in Deoband. After the war, Muslims from nearby towns like Nanota, Gangoh, and Ambheta sought refuge in Deoband to protect their lives. Among these refugees were two prominent scholars: Maulana Qasim Nanotavi from Nanota and Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi from Gangoh.

In 1866, Maulana Rafiuddin had a dream in which he saw the Kaaba in a garden in Deoband. In the dream, Hazrat Ali (RA) was establishing a school (madrasah), and the students of this school were being offered bowls of milk by Prophet Muhammad.

Upon sharing the dream with other scholars, including Maulana Qasim Nanotavi and Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, they agreed that this was a divine sign. They decided to establish a madrasa in Deoband to uplift the Muslim community from their deteriorating condition.

For the madrasa’s location, they chose the Chhatta Mosque, which had been built by the Sultans of Delhi. This mosque held spiritual significance, as it was believed that the famous Sufi saint of Pakpattan, Baba Fariduddin Ganjshakar, had once performed chilla (spiritual retreat) there.

On May 30, 1866, under the shade of a large pomegranate tree in the courtyard of the Chhatta Mosque, the foundation of the Darul Uloom Deoband was laid. The madrasa became a significant institution for Islamic learning and revival. However, after 2020, the pomegranate tree was cut down by the scholars of Deoband because people had begun associating the tree with various superstitious practices and innovations (bid’ah) in religion.

Maulana Qasim Nanotavi and Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi became the patrons of this madrasa, while Maulana Rafiuddin was appointed as its principal. Gradually, classrooms were constructed, a central library was established, a specific curriculum was organized, and annual examinations were held. All this was funded by the scholars and their associates. In its early days, the madrasa was associated with Sufism and its followers were adherents of the Chishti order.

The madrasa began offering education based on Dars-e-Nizami and particularly emphasized the teachings of Hanafi jurisprudence. The scholars managing the madrasa were ideologically influenced by Shah Waliullah and Shah Ismail Shaheed Dehlvi and propagated their thoughts. Meanwhile, Maulana Fazl Haq Khairabadi’s ideological followers were led by Ahmad Raza Barelvi of Bareilly. Thus, a theoretical conflict began between the two factions, and both issued fatwas against each other, declaring one another outside the fold of Islam. Further details regarding the differences between Deobandi and Barelvi schools of thought will be presented in our next video.

Although both groups followed Hanafi jurisprudence, those who adhered to the Deobandi scholars’ ideology began to be known as Deobandis, named after the town of Deoband. Similarly, students who graduated from Darul Uloom Deoband would proudly write Deobandi with their names. It was common in India at the time for prominent individuals to attach the name of their city, town, or educational institution to their names. For example, Ahmad Raza Barelvi would add Barelvi to his name, and his followers also adopted this practice.

Gradually, the Deobandi ideology spread across India and its surrounding regions. After the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent American invasion of Afghanistan, Deobandi ideology became a subject of global attention because the Taliban in Afghanistan followed the Deobandi school of thought. Later, the Pakistani Taliban also emerged as adherents of the Deobandi sect.

 

Division within the Deobandi Sect

Saquib Akbar writes in his book that over time, the Deobandi sect also divided into two factions regarding religious beliefs:

1. Hayati Deobandis: This group believes that the Prophet Muhammad is alive in his blessed grave after his passing.
2. Mamati Deobandis: This group denies that the Prophet Muhammad is alive in his grave after his passing.
   However, the majority of Deobandis are Hayati Deobandis.

Deobandi Beliefs and Practices

According to Saquib Akbar and Barbara Metcalf, the key beliefs and practices that distinguish the Deobandi school of thought are:

1. Adherence to Hanafi Jurisprudence:
   • Deobandis are followers of the Hanafi school, which makes them adherents (Muqallid), differing from Ahl-e-Hadith.
2. Rejection of Mawlid Celebrations:
   • Deobandis consider celebrating the Prophet Muhammad’s Mawlid (birth) an innovation (Bid’ah). They argue that any practice not observed during the Prophet’s lifetime, or in the era of the Companions (Sahabah), Successors (Tabi’een), or Successors of the Successors (Tab’ Tabi’een), cannot be justified now.
3. Balanced Approach to Sufism and Saints:
   • While Deobandis claim they respect Awliya Allah (saints), they reject practices such as directly seeking help from saints, performing non-Islamic rituals at shrines, or engaging in acts that contradict the Qur’an and Sunnah.
4. Death Rituals:
   • Practices like Qul Khwani (gathering on the third day after death), Chehlum (40th-day mourning), and distributing food among guests on such occasions are considered undesirable (Makruh). However, visiting for condolence (Ta’ziyat) is allowed.
5. Prohibition of Tomb Construction:
   • Similar to Ahl-e-Hadith, Deobandis oppose building structures on graves, such as constructing domes, minarets, or boundary walls.
6. Taraweeh Prayer:
   • Deobandis adhere to the practice of praying 20 rak’ahs of Taraweeh during Ramadan.
7. Triple Talaq (Divorce):
   • Deobandis, following Hanafi jurisprudence, consider that if a husband issues triple talaq (uttering “divorce” three times in one sitting), it results in a binding and irrevocable divorce. After this, the couple cannot reconcile unless the woman marries another person, gets a divorce from the second person, and then she can remarry her first husband.
8. Condemnation of Halala:
   • While some scholars advise or facilitate Halala, However, majority of Deobandi scholars strongly condemn it, labeling it a vile practice.

Post-Partition

In 1919, when the political movement in India began to gain momentum, the scholars of Deoband also established their own political party under the name Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. At that time, Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind had political affiliations with the Indian National Congress. The Deobandi scholars explained this affiliation by stating that since both Congress and Jamiat were opposed to British rule, they joined hands against their common enemy. Consequently, they opposed the Muslim League’s demand for a separate state. Some Deobandi scholars argued that since the British had taken India from the Muslims, it was rightful for the Muslims to inherit India after the British departure. They believed that Muslims should not be confined to a small piece of land i.e. Pakistan.

It is also said that some Deobandi scholars issued a fatwa (religious decree) declaring the demand for Pakistan to be unlawful (haram). In his book Pakistan ke Deeni Masalik (Religious Sects of Pakistan), Saqib Akbar mentions that during the partition, the Deobandi scholars were divided into two groups. One group, aligned with Congress, remained in India under the banner of Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. The other group, which supported Pakistan, formed a separate political party in 1945 called Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam, led by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani. This group also had the support of Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi.

After the establishment of Pakistan, the Deobandi school of thought became highly influential in the country. Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani became a close associate of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and through his efforts, the Pakistan Resolution was incorporated into the country’s constitution. Later, Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam leaders like Mufti Mahmood and his son, Maulana Fazlur Rahman, played a significant role in Pakistan’s politics.

It is estimated that Pakistan has approximately 35,000 religious seminaries (madrasas), of which over 18,000 follow the Deobandi school of thought. Among these, 12,000 to 13,000 seminaries operate under Maulana Fazlur Rahman’s Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam, providing him with substantial street power. Additionally, the Tablighi Jamaat, considered the largest religious preaching movement globally, is also associated with the Deobandi movement. Deobandis constitute more than 25% of Pakistan’s population.

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