In late 1994 or early 1995, Pakistan’s three charismatic personalities were reportedly set to hold a secret meeting. Among these personalities, the foremost was Pakistan’s beloved cricketer Imran Khan, who had attained the status of a national hero after the 1992 Cricket World Cup victory.
The second was former ISI chief General Hamid Gul, who saw himself as instrumental in the Afghan war against the Soviet Union, mobilizing the mujahideen, and contributing to the Soviet collapse—earning widespread admiration within Pakistan’s jihadist circles at the time.
اس آرٹیکل کو اردو زبان میں پڑھنے کے لیے یہاں کلک کریں۔
The third was Muhammad Ali Durrani, affiliated with Jamaat-e-Islami. He held some popularity among those advocating for an Islamic system in the country and was regarded as an expert in organizational structuring.
They all agreed to join a non-political organization called Pasban. However, news of their plan was leaked and published by journalist Zaigham Khan in The Herald, a magazine of Dawn newspaper.
While the English version of The Herald’s story may have gone unnoticed by the general public, it stirred significant unrest in the corridors of power, where political tensions were already high. Many believed that this powerful trio—Imran Khan, Hamid Gul, and Durrani—posed a serious threat to existing political parties.
In his article, Zaigham Khan wrote: “The group, which has already caused a stir even before its formal inception, may fade away in whispers. On the other hand, underestimating Imran’s charisma, Hamid Gul’s conspiratorial acumen, Durrani’s organizational skills, and the agencies’ ability to manipulate situations in their favor would be naive.”
Zaigham Khan attributed his sources for this story to individuals within the intelligence agencies.
Imran Khan had grown fond of former ISI chief General Hamid Gul due to his jihadist ideology. Meanwhile, Hamid Gul and Durrani began referring to their organization, Pasban, as a “pressure group” or a “third force.”
Pasban was essentially a group of disgruntled young activists from Jamaat-e-Islami who had broken away due to ideological differences and formed their own pressure group in 1990 under the name Pasban. They took to the streets, as usual, advocating for the implementation of an Islamic system in Pakistan, the eradication of corruption, education reforms, and justice.
However, Zigham Khan explained that the primary reason behind the formation of this group was that, in 1994, the establishment was unhappy with Benazir Bhutto’s government. While Nawaz Sharif was being kept as a “second force,” they were also dissatisfied with his behavior. Thus, they felt the need for a “third force”—in case Nawaz Sharif failed to meet their expectations or deliver after Benazir, they would have another option.
Their goal was to bring together Pakistan’s clean, honest, and principled figures to form a new political party. However, due to certain reasons, key personalities gradually began distancing themselves from the group. Among those who eventually bid farewell to the organization was Imran Khan himself.
General Hamid Gul blamed the demise of Pasban on Zaigham Khan’s February 1995 story in The Herald, claiming that the report scared away all their “pigeons before the right time.“
After winning the 1992 Cricket World Cup, Imran Khan retired from cricket and began taking an interest in social welfare work in the country. In 1994, when he started building the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital in his mother’s name through public donations, he faced a shortage of funds. He then turned to the Pakistani public for support, and the people responded overwhelmingly, collecting even more donations than the target amount. Seeing the public’s love for Imran Khan, his friends began advising him to enter politics.
In 2016, The Herald, a renowned magazine of Dawn newspaper, published a detailed report on Imran Khan’s early political struggles. It included an extensive interview with PTI’s founding member Bushra Rahman. Bushra stated that she had supported General Zia in the 1980s, then was asked by Zia to back Nawaz Sharif, so she aligned with him. Later, she was instructed to support Imran Khan, which she did.
Bushra Rahman actively participated in Imran Khan’s fundraising campaigns, traveling with him to various cities. She later became a founding member of his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). She claimed that in the 1990s, the two major political leaders of the time, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, had “cheated the game,” leading the establishment to view both as corrupt. At this critical juncture, the establishment felt the need for an honest political leader who could truly serve the nation—and their gaze fell upon Imran Khan’s charismatic personality.
She further revealed that Lieutenant General Mujib-ur-Rehman, who had served as General Zia-ul-Haq’s information secretary and was a family friend, along with some other retired generals, began formulating a plan to bring Imran Khan into politics, believing he was the only hope for a corruption-free Pakistan.
For this purpose, General Mujib asked Bushra to invite Imran Khan to her home. On September 28, 1995, a gathering took place at Bushra’s residence, attended by several retired generals and Imran Khan. There, General Mujib-ur-Rehman, using his professional expertise, began persuading Imran with his smooth-talking skills.
It is worth noting that General Mujib was considered an expert in psychological warfare during his military career. After a lengthy discussion, Imran Khan accepted General Mujib’s proposal to become a political leader—with certain conditions. Following this, secret meetings between them continued.
The late Ghani Jafar, a renowned journalist who served as the executive editor of The Muslim newspaper in the 1980s and later worked as an editor at Islamabad’s prominent think tank, the Institute of Strategic Studies Islamabad, shared a similar account.
According to him, General Mujib-ur-Rehman visited this government-affiliated think tank where Ghani Jafar was employed. General Mujib requested the think tank to prepare a manifesto for a newly launching political party based on justice. Subsequently, the think tank’s team, including Ghani Jafar, began drafting the manifesto. Ghani stated that within three to four months, the document was finalized and titled “Blueprint for Democratic Revolution.” Once completed, it was handed over to General Mujib.
On April 2, 1996, Imran Khan announced his entry into Pakistan’s political landscape in an interview with The New York Times. Then, on April 25, 1996, Imran Khan, along with his associates, founded his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), in Lahore, Punjab’s capital. On this occasion, he also unveiled the party’s manifesto.
It is said that this was the same manifesto prepared by Ghani Jafar and his team at the government think tank in Islamabad.
The newly formed party appointed Imran Khan as its chairman, while General Mujib-ur-Rehman took on the role of first General Secretary of the party. However, General Mujib’s association with Imran did not last long, and he eventually left PTI, stating:
“I can’t do anything. He (Imran Khan) doesn’t listen to anyone.”
Meanwhile, in his book ‘Pakistan: A Personal History’, Imran Khan explains that when he built the cancer hospital, the Benazir-led government began creating obstacles. Despite requests, Benazir and Zardari refused to donate and instead pressured him to let Benazir inaugurate the hospital to salvage their corrupt image. Contrary to Benazir’s wishes, Imran had a young cancer patient inaugurate the hospital. In retaliation, the government banned Shaukat Khanum’s fundraising campaigns on state TV (PTV) and other official channels.
Shortly after, the hospital was bombed. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto immediately visited the site and condemned the attack, but Imran left before her arrival, expressing his displeasure. Later, when Nawaz Sharif visited, Imran was present. Imran Khan stated:
“Not inviting Benazir and Zardari to the hospital’s inauguration cost them dearly. The government fabricated false cases against me and dragged me through courts. State-sponsored journalists ran shameful propaganda, and during Ramadan, fundraising ads were banned, severely impacting donations. People were deeply disillusioned with the government’s performance and rejected its propaganda. Thus, I entered politics without intending to—and ended up forming PTI.”
In the 1997 general elections, PTI contested under the symbol of a lamp (chiragh) and fielded candidates across the country. Reports suggest that seeing PTI’s popularity, PML-N offered support in 30 constituencies—an offer Imran declined.
Imran himself ran in at least three constituencies—two in Lahore, one against Nawaz Sharif and another against famous PTV anchor Tariq Aziz. However, PTI faced defeat nationwide, likely due to lack of preparation, as the party was only a year old. PML-N emerged as the dominant victor.
After 1997, Imran Khan and 19 opposition parties quickly accused Nawaz Sharif’s government of corruption and irregularities, forming a grand alliance called the Pakistan Awami Ittehad under Tahir-ul-Qadri’s leadership. PPP also joined. In August 1999, the alliance protested in Islamabad, demanding Nawaz’s resignation over allegations of “selling out Kashmir” and dividing the military.
By September 1999, Imran Khan joined the alliance. On October 12, 1999, General Pervez Musharraf toppled Nawaz’s government in a coup, leading opposition leaders—including Imran Khan and Benazir—to celebrate, calling it the end of a corrupt regime. Nearly all supported Musharraf’s martial law.
According to Imran Khan, welcoming the military dictator was seen as the only way to rid the country of corrupt rulers. In 2001, the 9/11 attacks occurred, prompting the U.S. to declare a “War on Terror.” General Musharraf unconditionally supported America, offering Pakistani airbases, intelligence sharing, NATO supply routes, and drone strike facilities.
Five days after the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan (October 12, 2001), Imran Khan wrote an article in The Guardian titled:
“Terrorists Should Be Tried in Court“
In it (the article), while labeling the attackers involved in the 9/11 incident as terrorists, he (Imran Khan) states that if America acts as judge, jury, and executioner simultaneously against a handful of terrorists, the world will be pushed to the brink of destruction. Launching an attack on the entire Afghanistan over a few terrorists could turn Muslims against the West.
On this occasion, regarding Musharraf’s critical decision to ally Pakistan with America, Imran Khan wrote:
“President Musharraf was bluntly and arrogantly told: either cooperate with America or be prepared to be bombed back to the Stone Age as its enemy. Without any fault of its own, Pakistan has been placed in a no-win situation.”
Imran further wrote:
“For now, President Musharraf is in control. But he knows that the silent majority of the country is rapidly turning against the bombing of Afghanistan.”
This was the era when Imran Khan was labeling Osama bin Laden—the mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks—as a terrorist. But during his goverment tenure, Imran declared Osama as martyr. He defended Musharraf and fully supported the military dictator, even backing his controversial referendum.
On April 30, 2002, when Musharraf held a self-referential referendum to elect himself as the country’s president, Imran Khan supported him and cast his vote in favor of Musharraf retaining his military uniform while serving as president.
Some circles claim that Imran did this because he was promised the position of prime minister under Musharraf’s regime. However, in his book, Imran Khan denies this allegation, stating that he only supported Musharraf—while still in uniform—as a hopeful stance against the corrupt mafia.
But soon after the military dictator became president and before the 2002 general elections, cracks emerged in the relationship between Imran Khan and Musharraf. Both leaders cite different reasons for this rift.
In his book, Imran Khan writes that shortly after the 2002 referendum, he was summoned to a meeting with the political wing of the ISI. There, the wing’s chief told him:
“We are about to form a grand national alliance.”
He hinted at including “electables” (opportunistic politicians) in this alliance and invited Imran to join. Imran was even informed about the pre-determined seat allocations for the upcoming elections. When Imran questioned the officer about plans to rid the system of corrupt politicians, the reply was:
“Unfortunately, Pakistani people vote for corrupt politicians. That’s why we’re bringing them on board.”
Imran further writes about his fifth meeting with Musharraf at the Presidency on July 23, 2002:
“I went there determined to dissuade him from aligning with this gang of political thugs. But during the meeting, I realized how deeply I had been betrayed.”
He elaborates:
“Initially, the atmosphere was cordial. Musharraf asked me to join his proposed alliance, calling me the only clean and honest politician in the country. Then, he showed me the list of ‘electable’ leaders in his alliance. I was stunned—the world seemed to spin before my eyes. These were figures notorious for their crimes.”
Imran says he told Musharraf:
“No! How can I join this group? Sitting with these criminals would destroy my credibility and honor—especially when my core slogan is the eradication of corruption. I cannot do this.”
According to Imran, Musharraf responded:
“In that case, you will lose.”
To which Imran replied:
“Good. I prefer defeat over compromising my principles.”
On the other hand, General Musharraf later admitted in an interview to manipulating the 2002 elections. He claimed that during his meeting with Imran Khan, he had offered him 20 guaranteed seats and a role in the upcoming government—since, according to intelligence assessments, PTI could barely win more than 10 seats. However, Imran reportedly insisted on being given 80 seats, which led to their eventual parting of ways.
When the election results came, the entire Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) failed to secure a single seat except for Imran Khan’s victory in his home constituency.
Whether it was the irony of fate or the compulsions of the time, when Musharraf asked Imran in 2002 to sit alongside corrupt politicians, Imran claimed the world “spun before his eyes,” leading him to not only cut ties with Musharraf but also become one of his fiercest critics in the following years. Yet, in a twist of events, many of PTI’s ticket holders and allies in the 2013 and 2018 elections were allegedly the same “electables” from Musharraf’s PML-Q and other parties—the very figures whose corruption had once driven Imran to reject Musharraf’s alliance.
After the 2002 elections, political priorities shifted. Having earlier supported Musharraf’s presidency while he was still in uniform, Imran now began opposing him, arguing that a military general could not constitutionally serve as president. He demanded that the president be elected according to the constitution, the army withdraw from politics, and Musharraf step down as Army Chief before contesting as a civilian. But by then, it was too late—Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto were already in exile.
Meanwhile, Musharraf’s newly formed party, PML-Q, secured a decisive victory in the elections, while the religious alliance MMA (Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal) also won a significant number of seats. In the assembly, Imran Khan voted for MMA’s Liaquat Baloch for Speaker and later for Maulana Fazlur Rehman as Prime Minister. However, he later distanced himself from MMA after it supported Musharraf’s LFO (Legal Framework Order) and the 17th Constitutional Amendment.
Imran continued meeting with various political parties to build pressure for Musharraf’s removal. In 2007, when Musharraf attempted to get himself re-elected as president while still in uniform, Imran Khan took a hardline stance, challenging him in the Supreme Court on the grounds that a serving military officer was constitutionally barred from contesting the presidency. On October 2, 2007, Imran resigned from the National Assembly in protest.
On November 3, 2007, Musharraf imposed a state of emergency across the country. By November 6, he had managed to get himself re-elected as president by the assemblies formed under his rule. In response, Imran Khan intensified his youth mobilization campaign against Musharraf’s unconstitutional actions.
On November 15, 2007, while addressing students at Lahore’s Punjab University, Imran was attacked by members of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT), the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, who opposed his criticism of Musharraf’s emergency rule. He was beaten, confined to a room for 45 minutes, and later handed over to law enforcement. The incident sparked nationwide condemnation of Jamaat-e-Islami and IJT’s violent tactics, forcing the party’s leadership to apologize to Imran Khan.
During this period, Imran joined the opposition alliance APDM (All Parties Democratic Movement), which included PML-N and Jamaat-e-Islami. The alliance agreed on a strategy to first remove Musharraf and then hold fair elections, leading them to boycott the upcoming 2008 polls held under Musharraf’s presidency.
In 2008, when Musharraf refused to step down, Imran Khan boycotted the elections. He publicly tore his nomination papers in front of the media. However, he remained highly active in political discourse, adopting popular narratives such as opposing U.S. military operations in Afghanistan, condemning Musharraf’s alliance with America, criticizing drone strikes in Pakistan, and advocating for dialogue with the Pakistani Taliban. Simultaneously, he blamed the country’s political elite for corruption and instability.
Before the elections, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan. While PML-N and PPP eventually decided to participate in the polls, Imran stuck to the boycott, accusing Nawaz of betraying the opposition’s agreement.
In December 2007, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated following a rally in Rawalpindi, shifting public sympathy toward PPP. The party went on to form governments in the Centre and Sindh, while PML-N secured Punjab.
Dear readers, in this segment, we have covered PTI’s journey from its founding to the 2008 elections. In the next episode, we will explore the factors that propelled Imran Khan and his party to power, as well as the events that led to his dramatic fall in 2022—culminating in his ouster from government and subsequent imprisonment. Stay tuned for the next episode.
Take care, and goodbye!
Sources:
1. پاکستان تحریک انصاف کی تاریخ: کیا واقعی جرنیلوں نے پی ٹی آئی کو بنایا؟ https://wisdomhouse.blog/urdu/history-of-pti-pakistan-tehreek-insaf/
2. Zaigham Khan, “Who’s afraid of Imran Khan?”, Herald, Dawn Group https://herald.dawn.com/news/1153577
3. Sher Ali Khan | Ali Raj | Danyal Adam Khan, “Captain’s call: How Imran Khan is hurting his own politics”, Herlad, Dawn Group https://herald.dawn.com/news/1153595
4. “Zaigham Khan, “THE PROMISE OF IMRAN KHAN”, Herald, Dawn Group https://www.dawn.com/news/1684309
5. Imran Khan, Pakistan: A Personal History (Book) https://www.amazon.com/Pakistan-Personal-History-Imran-Khan/dp/0593067746
6. Imran Khan’s Article in “The Gardian” https://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/oct/12/afghanistan.pakistan1
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